Molly Wolanski Introduction In small type at top of this dual poster is the caption:
Until the early s, due to the lack of access to archives in the former Soviet Union, researchers were completely dependent on published sources, such as journals, newspapers, memoirs, and monographs.
In these circumstances, too often researchers reiterated the Soviet image of themselves as the creators of the first planned economy in history. The totalitarian school of history credited the Stalinist state with possessing an uncanny degree of efficiency, as well the power to enforce compliance from every level of party and state organizations.
Thus Soviet scholarship claimed that by the s the state had solved the 'woman problem', by instituting wide-ranging affirmative action policies.
Role of women under stalin vs a result Soviet women were highly educated, fully employed, and enjoyed unprecedented professional success in every field of human endeavour. While women were employed in industry and agriculture in unprecedented numbers, they were relegated to inferior positions, and rarely advanced to positions of power in either the Soviet government or the Party.
At the same time retrograde social policies were instituted such as the ban on abortions, and the valorization of the role of woman as the mainstay of the nuclear family. They were responsible for both the professional success of the husband and the socialist upbringing of the children. Soviet women were yoked to a double shift that spelled the end to all feminist dreams and utopias.
Most of the recent scholarship is more interested in evaluating the symbolic importance of the 'New Soviet Women', than in exploring the historical conditions that she actually inhabited.
The strength of the volume lies in the fact that instead of positing two undifferentiated and unitary subjects — that is, the Soviet state and Soviet women — Goldman explores the politics of local and central organizations that played a role in formulating policies towards women.
The material reality of the s led to a revision of the Bolshevik policy of liberating women from the patriarchal family. Goldman shows that during the NEP era, as demobilized soldiers returned from the war front, they replaced women workers in various trades and industries.
Female joblessness was further exacerbated by the fact that factories and state agencies radically decreased spending on childcare institutions and communal dining halls thus making it harder for women to obtain gainful employment.
Women workers were concentrated in the lowest paid jobs requiring the least skills, and these were usually clustered in the textile and other light industry. Labour exchanges routinely discriminated against them, and women were paid less than men for fulfilling the same labour quotas.
Unions sought to protect the existing unequal gender status quo on the factory floor. With the onset of the First Five-Year Plan, the Party continued to underestimate the value of female labour. Goldman explains that the Party policy of excluding women and non-proletarian workers from the work force slowed the rapid mobilization of labour required for the successful fulfillment of the First Five-Year Plan.
During this period, soviets, trade unions and factory management proved incapable of mobilizing and utilizing women in a planned and effective manner. But if in women held Although the collectivization of agriculture was intended to produce a steady supply of cheap food for the industrial worker, the actual process led to disastrous harvests and food shortages.
As the state was unable to control the rising prices, it was forced to institute rationing and socialize the retail trade. Government efforts in these areas served to accentuate rather than ameliorate the situation, as cooperatives failed to adequately service consumer demands.
Similarly, planned purges of wreckers in the food trade did little to lessen the scarcity of food supplies and consumer goods. As wages fell and prices rose, working class women from urban areas, as well as peasant recruits, streamed into heavy industry and found jobs in socialized dining, education, healthcare and administration in order to sustain their families.
According to Goldman 'Women due to their strategic placement within the working-class family, made an enormous contribution to capital accumulation and investment in industrialization.
As demands for new workers poured in from every branch of industry, NKT was unsuccessful in formulating a coherent policy to recruit women to industry or train them for new jobs. Instead, the flow of women workers to various industries was unplanned, chaotic, and proceeded on an ad hoc basis.
As the NKT failed to provide clear guidelines, individual enterprises and trades bypassed the incompetent labour exchanges and hired the wives, widows, and teenage children of workers in a desperate attempt to reach their quotas. Workers brought female family members to work, and more frequently women themselves appeared at factory gates and construction sites.
By lateeven though the Party and the NKT had begun to realize that women were a valuable labour resource that was politically more reliable than disgruntled recruits from the countryside, it failed to draft a comprehensive plan that would address the issues of female employment, training and education, and the socialization of household labour in an equitable manner.
Ignoring the suggestions of feminist activists from the KUTB Committee to Improve the Labour and Life of Working Women that were located in local soviets, the central planners divided the economy by gender and established -dominated sectors in the service industries where the pay was low.
In branches of heavy industry such as metallurgy, machine building, and construction, while women made rapid gains, they were equally segregated. This central policy of creating blocs of exclusively female workers had an adverse effect.
In areas, where skilled male workers were replaced by women these policies exacerbated existing deep-seated male prejudices against women workers.
Despite Party injunctions to hire more women in heavy industry, factory management continued to hire women for the jobs requiring fewest skills, often in areas entirely unrelated to production, such as haulage, repair, and cleaning.
Managers did not want to train women to take on skilled work, and promotions were far and few. On the factory floor, male co-workers harassed female employees, both physically and sexually, creating hostile and threatening work situations.Stalin could not allow a challenge to his position and anybody who worshipped God was a challenge as the “personality cult” was meant for people to worship Stalin.
For a short time under Lenin, women had enjoyed a much freer status in that life for them was a lot more liberal when compared to the ‘old days’. In theory, the role of women under Stalin contrasted greatly with the role of women under Hitler.
In Marxist theory, treating women as second-class was a capitalist way of life and marriage was seen as little more than prostitution. Particularly under Stalin’s regime, this ideal woman did not turn out exactly as planned.
Instead of creating gender neutrality, women were not treated equally under the new laws. The attempts to create a new womanhood did change the way women were expected to behave, but they did not necessarily become the equal of their male counterparts.
Stalin used propaganda to initiate a campaign that showed the public how close he was with its deceased leader Vladimir Lenin.
In reality, Lenin did not like Stalin. In a testament written by Lenin in , he stated that he believed Leon Trotsky, the founder of the Red Army, would make a better. Particularly under Stalin’s regime, this ideal woman did not turn out exactly as planned.
Instead of creating gender neutrality, women were not treated equally under the new laws.
The attempts to create a new womanhood did change the way women were expected to behave, but they did not necessarily become the equal of their male counterparts. In theory, the role of women under Stalin contrasted greatly with the role of women under Hitler.
In Marxist theory, treating women as second-class was a capitalist way of life and marriage was seen as little more than prostitution.